Saturday, October 5, 2019

Payment for Ecological Services Lijiang, China Essay

Payment for Ecological Services Lijiang, China - Essay Example The major upper hand with the PES is hinged on its ability to offer short-term benefits that encourages conservation behavior. This prompts and facilitates collaborative participation of the residents in the management of the ecosystem and not being its worst enemy. In the region of Lijiang China, fundamental changes have been effected that include banishment on the inspection of fishing, poaching, hunting and a reduced potential threat upon the well being of the ecosystem. Pagiola, S. & Platais, G. (2003). To enhance sustainable Ecological and Environmental services, the PES scheme in Lijiang China has put more emphasis on comprehending the interlocks between human activities; mainly farming around the Lashihai Lake and the management of the biodiversity in terms of migratory bird's population and the preservation or improvement of water quality for landscape use in Lijiang old town. Rosales, M., & Ruis, J. P. (2004). Since Agriculture is the main activity dependent upon by inhabitants who live around Lashishi Nature reserve. Agriculture and livestock therefore constitutes for more than 70% of the entire economic system around this region. This has also been viewed as a major detriment that has greatly hampered and deteriorated the water flows into the lake. Rosales, M., & Ruis, J. P. (2004). ... (2003). Intercropping A mixed system of crops and fruits is already practiced in some areas around the Lashihai Nature Reserve, and thus can be further encouraged. To increase farmers' profits, one could also encourage the introduction of livestock husbandry, which should reduce the dependence on chemical fertilizers. Rosales, M., & Ruis, J. P. (2004). Furthermore, in the last scenario, fodder crops intercropped under fruits may help reduce cost of feedstuff used, thus further increasing the attractiveness of this development scenario for individual farmers. One limitation of the model is that it assumes stable prices for the crops, even though, as shown in the figure below, there are some variations. Furthermore, in near the future prices of grain will slightly increase due to the limited cultivated land. Pagiola, S. & Platais, G. (2003). Changing farming Techniques around the lake The chief reason of changing the agricultural practices of farmers around the lake, however, is not to increase their profits, but rather to decrease the impacts that their activities have on the water quality of the lake - and, in turn, on the tourist city of Lijiang. It is thus obligatory to comprehend the stalemate in terms of agricultural production, application of chemical inputs, and water quality in the lake. Pagiola, S. & Platais, G. (2003). Evaluating of the current production data for the region, it appears that current agricultural sector in the Lashihai Nature Reserve is operating underneath competent levels. Pagiola, S. & Platais, G. (2003). Above all, the production of crops are low, even compared to the run of the mill for China, which compares aggregate production per hectare in the Lashihai Nature Reserve to the average for China for selected crops. The

Friday, October 4, 2019

PAPER 2- for the legal environment of business and online commerce Essay

PAPER 2- for the legal environment of business and online commerce - Essay Example Thailand’s economic system is based primarily on exporting, which accounts for greater than two-thirds of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The exchange rate for exporting is Baht 33.00/USD. The GDP has an average worth of 8.5 trillion Baht, equivalent to $627 billion dollars. Thailand is classified as the second largest economic country in Southeast Asia. However, it ranks halfway in the spread of wealth in Southeast Asia, the fourth richest nation. Its economy supports neighboring, developing economies, such as Laos, Burma, and Cambodia. Thailand had a financial crisis in 1997-1998, forcing the country to depend on exports. Its economic system is influenced by the automotive and manufacturing of electronic good for exports. Thailand focuses on agriculture but has decreased due to exporting goods and services. Corporate Ownership in Thailand is established by registering as a Thai limited company. After registration, the registered applicant can acquire land. The structure of this ownership consists of a minimum of seven permanent, distinct shareholders. The director of the corporate ownership must be a foreigner. However, initially, the director is Thai because the Thai individual has to apply for a Tax ID and VAT registration for the company. In the Thai Law or Land Code, Thai nationals have at least 51% of the shares. A maximum of 49% of shares can be owned by foreign shareholders. This rule is also in the Land Code Prohibition of foreign land ownership. Since Thai Law does not restrict one share equaling one vote, the company is allowed to issue classified shares, which are the A-Shares or Ordinary Shares and the B-Shares or preferred Shares. The A-Shares or Ordinary Shares states that the holder of one share is entitled to one vote. However, the B-Shares or Preferred Shares state tha t only a shareholder of multiple shares obtains a vote. Foreign shareholders are assigned A-Shares, and B-Shares are assigned to Thai

Thursday, October 3, 2019

Twilight is not literary genius Essay Example for Free

Twilight is not literary genius Essay What defines a â€Å"bad book†? Most people can identify what they liked about a book: the characters were believable or the writing was beautiful or the plot was striking, etc†¦; however, when asking someone what they did not like about a â€Å"bad book†, they can scarcely put their finger on it. Presented in this essay is a definition for a â€Å"good book† upon which three books (The DaVinci Code by Dan Brown, I Am Legend by Richard Matheson and Twilight by Stephenie Meyer) will be examined and determined as â€Å"good† or â€Å"bad†. A good book can be defined with the use of three basic concepts: plot, prose and character development. The plot is essential. If the plot of a novel is lacking, almost assuredly all other points will follow. Prose, the wording and grammar of the novel, is the first contact the reader has with your novel. If the prose is bad, the likelihood that someone will want to read the book (or be able to read the book) decreases. Character development may be the single most important aspect of a novel. The characters and their decisions are what ultimately drive a story. If a character is dull, unlikeable and or even not relatable, the book will most assuredly be bad. These are not the only methods to judge a book, but they are usually the aspects a reader will be looking at first and foremost. The DaVinci Code by Dan Brown is one of the highest selling books in the 21st Century. It has been translated into numerous languages and has had a film adaptation; however, it is also ridiculed by many as being a bad book. The book, being a mystery, is packed full of action. There are clues to be solved, puzzles to solve and a whole society full of mysteries to crack. The plot is interesting and Brown puts in a number of twists that keep the reader guessing and reading; although, there have been a number of critics on Brown’s bestseller being historically and scientifically inaccurate. The prose used in The DaVinci Code is so lacking that it is almost comical. Brown, despite being a bestselling author, does not seem to grasp grammar or fluidity sentence structure. The first page in the novel demonstrates this: A voice spoke, chillingly close. â€Å"Do not move. † On his hands and knees, the curator froze, turning his head slowly. Only fifteen feet away, outside the sealed gate, the mountainous silhouette of his attacker stared through the iron bars. He was broad and tall, with ghost-pale skin and thinning white hair. His irises were pink with dark red pupils (Brown, 2). â€Å"Chillingly close† denotes that the speaker is close directly behind or whispering into ones ear. Only a few sentences down, Brown reveals that his version of â€Å"chillingly close† is fifteen feet away. Also, when one is frozen they do not turn their head. If the curator was truly frozen, his head would not be turning. Also, it is impossible to see the skin, hair and eye color of a silhouette – a silhouette is a black figure with no apparent qualities, it is a black shadow. The character development in The DaVinci Code is also lacking. The main characters, Robert Langdon and Sophie Neveau are likeable enough. We learn some of their background and history, but other than that they remain mysteries. The villains in this story are all one-dimensional. They are all connected to the Catholic Church or some sort of secret society and none have anything other than tainted motives at best. Most of the other characters were written stereotypically: the British lord turned evil, the evil Albino, etc†¦ The DaVinci Code, although a suspenseful page-turner, was a poorly written book. The plot was full of twists and turns that kept the readers’ attention, but was full of inaccuracies. The prose was dreadful at best. The character development was nearly non-existent, relying on stereotyping rather than explanation. I Am Legend by Richard Matheson is a post-apocalyptic novel in which the entire human race, with the exception of one man (Robert Neville), has turned into a vampire. He spends his days staking vampires and his nights barricaded in his house waiting for the sun to rise. This book has inspired more than one movie adaptation. The action scenes are remarkable in the way they are described. The simple clarity of what is going on while the vampires are banging on the walls and defenses of Neville’s house at the beginning of the book sets the tone for the rest: â€Å"He sat in the living room, trying to read. He’d made himself a whiskey and soda at his small bar and he held the cold glass as he read a physiology text. From the speaker from over the hallway door, the music from Schoenberg was playing loudly† (Matheson, 12). The plot of this book seems simple at first: Neville is the last man on Earth who is not infected and he kills the beings that are. This book is character-driven rather than plot-driven. The prose of this novel has a flowing simplicity to it. Matheson does not need to use flowery wording or beautiful metaphors. â€Å"The sky was darkening and it was getting chilly. He looked up and down Cimmaron Street, the cool breeze ruffling his blonde hair. That’s what was wrong with these cloudy days; you never knew when they were coming† (Matheson, 12). His manner of writing brings a depth to the story and helps sets the tone of the post-apocalyptic world. He doesn’t need to compare the sky to anything or the breeze. He writes the way the main character’s world would seem: simple and dark. Neville eats, sleeps, hides and kills vampires. The character development for I Am Legend is remarkable. In the beginning, the reader sympathizes with Neville. What would it be like to be in a world by yourself? Fighting to survive every moment? As the book continues, the reader watches as Neville slowly becomes different, turning into a monster himself. I Am Legend is a good book. The action is detailed, the prose is simplistic but useful, the plot is character-driven and the character development for the main character is enthralling. I Am Legend is anything but a bad book. It seems as though vampires always make a comeback. They were present in I Am Legend, written in 1954, and they appear again in the recent phenomenon of the Twilight Saga by Stephenie Meyer. Twilight is the first of a four book saga about a family of â€Å"vegetarian† vampires (vampires who feed only on animals rather than humans) and the human girl that a member of the family falls in love with. The plot for Twilight is filled with cliches: the basic Romeo and Juliet love story, a forbidden love. The idea of a vampire who does not feed on human beings – Anne Rice, for instance, had a similar idea. A misfit high school teenage girl with a strange ability (brain-dead-ness? ) happens more times than not. Most people love a good love story, which is essentially what Twilight thrives for, the love between the hero (Edward Cullen) and the heroine (Bella Swan). The prose used in Twilight is not literary genius by any means. There are numerous repeated adjectives, descriptions of Edward that are also repetitive for example: â€Å"His skin, white despite the faint flush from yesterday’s hunting trip, literally sparkled, like thousands of tiny diamonds were embedded in the surface† (Meyer, 260). There are numerous times in the novel when Edward’s skin is described as diamond-like the way it shines. It is written simplistically, but as it is a teenage, love-struck girl who is narrating it, perhaps too flowery of words would seem out of character and strange. The character development in Twilight is limited. This could be because the story is written from a first-person perspective, limiting the reader to know only what Bella knows. Bella, as a character, is well-defined. She isn’t comfortable in her own skin, she is clumsy and smart. Edward, however, seems to have more mood swings than a teenager, despite his age of well over a century old. In fact, he sums his whole personality up in one sentence: â€Å"How easily frustrated I am† (Meyer, 265). The high school teenagers Bella is friends with are stereotypical at best; Charlie Swan is exactly what you would expect from a small-town sheriff, there is very little learned about the Cullen Family (although that does come later in the series) and the villains James, Laurent and Victoria are one-dimensional. They seem to be after one thing and one thing only: blood. Twilight has a predictable plot, limiting and repetitive prose and inadequate character development in her full cast of characters. By the definitions set out by this essay, Twilight by Stephenie Meyer is a poorly written, bad book. In conclusion, out of the three books examined in this essay: The DaVinci Code by Dan Brown, I Am Legend by Richard Matheson and Twilight by Stephenie Meyer, the only book that can truly be identified as a good book is Matheson’s I Am Legend; however, all three books have been phenomenon’s, selling millions world-wide in a multitude of languages and all have had silver screen adaptations. Despite what who says these books are good or bad, the general public are frantic about them regardless. Works Cited Brown, Dan. The DaVinci Code. New York: Random House, 2003. Matheson, Richard. I Am Legend. New York: Tom Doherty Associates, 1997. Meyer, Stephenie. Twilight. New York: Little, Brown and Company, 2005.

Ethnic minorities in Britain

Ethnic minorities in Britain Ethnic Minorities in Britain Introduction (Mis)labelling identity signifiers bespeaks underlying histories of power structure(s). Indeed, however a case is made based on political, social, economic, cultural and ethnic grounds, an identity signifier remains central to sustain, if not to justify, existing power structures. Further, one specific identity signifier can be employed by contestant parties within a given discourse universe and even in exchange. As contestants struggle over meaning-making, moreover, exchanging (mis)labelled identity signifiers between and within groupings of contestant parties gain particular significance when (mis)labelling practice reaches out for outer frames of contested discourse, beyond a more usual practice of (mis)labelling contestants. Islamophobia, if any, especially as contested within a U.K. context, is just such an instance of an active (mis)labelling practice in which (Jeudo-Christian) Occident vs. (Islamist) Orient as possible (mis)labelled parties to contest exchange exact same (mis )labelled identity signifier i.e. Islamophobic not only in order to frame parties to contest but for an appropriation of what ultimately defines frames of contest per se. Indeed, much literature is dedicated to question the (mis)appropriateness of Islamophobia as a labeller of phobia generated, presumably, from an increasingly visible presence of Islam / Muslims in the U.K. in recent years. 1,2,3 The case for / against Islamophobia, depending on which party holds argument, is, in fact, made blurry given the ambiguity of what constitutes a Muslim identity in the first place. 4 Considering potentially multiple identities of U.K. Muslims 5,6, contestation between and within concerned parties holds a fluid ground more so based on or as a result of fluidity of what makes up Islamophobia. This paper examines multilayered manipulations of Islamophobia as contested within a U.K context. The argument, first, discusses literature on race relations and immigration policies, more emphasis being laid on policies pertaining to Commonwealth subjects in Indian Subcontinent. An examination follows of how race-based (addressing ethnicity, assimilation and multicultural ism issues) as opposed to faith-based (addressing religious practices, rights, and interfaith relations) protections have much influenced and/or mixed up contestations over Islam, Muslims and, most importantly, Islamophobia, if any, within a U.K. context. Finally, Islamophobia is placed in a wider European context in which contestation over Islamophobia as such is connected to Continental debates on modern nation-states and multiculturalisms. Race, race relations and immigration policies Historically, Britain has received waves of immigrants of diverse descent for a multitude of reasons. Yet, post-World War II period, particularly during mid-1940s, 1950s and 1960s, witnessed unprecedented influx into major industrial cities for reconstruction efforts. 7,8 Up until late 1960s, no specific laws addressed inter-ethnic violence and conflict. Ironically, ex-colonies subjects were regarded, after all, as second class citizens. 9 Only when families of Asian (primarily Pakistani, Indian and Bangladeshi) works started to flood English cities and ports in what is referred to as chain immigration (i.e. residents invite close family members and friends and, once settled, relatives and friends invite their own families and friends) did local acts of ethnic violence give prominence to and raise public awareness on a national level of alien citizen status as part of British reality. 10 Still, post-World War II period is one characterised more by inflammatory statements made about nationals of non-British blood and descent 11 rather than about citizens whose allegiance to British values and way of life is questionable because of a different creed such as in case of South-Asians. Indicative of an increasingly racialised public discourse pertaining to immigrants and naturalised subjects is: When individuals like the Marquis of Salisbury spoke of maintaining the English way of life, they were not simply referring to economic or regional folk patterns, but explicitly to the preservation of the racial character of the English people. We have developing here a process of subjectification grounded in a racialised construction of the British Subject which excludes and includes people on the basis of race/skin colour. 12 Indeed, race remains a fundamental subtext of British hegemonic discourse during colonial era, in post-World War II period and beyond. For one, one staple justification for subjugation of nations, groups and individuals is race. 13 Further, in case of a South Asian minority, presumably British Subjects, race is invoked as a justification for inequalities at workplace, housing, education, let alone political rights. 14 In essence, race and racism essentialise subjects of racist acts. Similar to all hegemonic practices which maintain specific power relations within an overarching power structure, racism emphasises superior vs. Inferior duality in order not only to maintain existing power relations but also to morally justify excesses of inequalities. 15 In British context, South Asian workers predominantly from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh particularly during first mass immigration waves of 1940s, 1950s and 1960s were, like a gear fit into a larger wheel, brought in as props, imported, used, and returned. Initially, South Asians workers performed and acted as underdogs much to masters delight. Later, however, as familiarity of British System and Administration developed amongst workers of non-British blood, riots and protests became noise (racist) masters needed to work on. Thus, successive legislations regulating immigrants status within U.K. borders were, apparently, meant to control influx of immigrants and to align British Subjects along well-defined ethnic boundaries.16 As U.K.s ethnic makeup diversified over time and across localities, states insistence on ethnic markers between and within ethnic groups grew by leaps and bounds. The racism formula, endorsed by laws and working brilliantly in a colonial era and slightly so within borders during early days of mass immigration, turned out problematic if not unstabilising given growing pressures of growing minorities in pocket cities, minorities now capable of tipping vote balance. Ultimately, a multi-ethnic / multicultural society is not based on a goodwill, all-accommodating multiculturalism discourse one meant to acknowledge ethnic / racial / cultural differences per se by way of minority rights but, rather, one emphasizing ethnic markers for further state control. 17 In fact, state control, in so far as British Muslims are concerned, represents a clear instance not only of an ethnicity manipulated (at multiple layers of discourse in government, media, and education) but, further still, of an identity (i.e. BrMislim / BrAsian) manipulated (at just same layers) and hence fluidity of what constitutes Islam / Muslim and, probably in turn, Islamophobia. Understanding an emerging Islamophobia requires, however, an examination of evolution of race relations politics from one based on race to one based on faith. Race, faith, Islamophobia, and multiculturalism By definition, political discourse is one characterised by manipulation and is, largely, subject to voters sway in democracies. 18 Political Correctness (PC) is just one example of political machination. In essence, a politically correct expression is a euphemism meant (and, for that matter, meaning) less to fulfil felicity conditions required for an actionable statement and more as instrumental. Thus, British policies on race and ethnicity has marked a shift since installation of race relations acts of 1965 and 1968 19 from an emphasis on racial discrimination to an emphasis on religious extremism and bigotry as a basis for incrimination only selectively, excluding BrMuslims. Indeed, incitement to hatred based on affiliation to Islam is one major legal anomaly scholars continue to point out to. 19, 20 Interestedly, given papers purposes, racial discrimination against BrAsians has not, in fact, been eliminated by virtue of progress in legislation on racial relations but only diverted to another (unprotected by law) dimension, significant as is, of a BrAsian subjects identity. That is, being Muslim. That multilayered public discourse has, moreover, shifted from race to faith is indicative not of actionable (as opposed to pronounced) change but of power structure(s) embedded in race relations discourses in the U.K. Thus, in place of a racialised discourse based on BrAsian intrusion into Britishness, same racial group, now British Muslims, comes out as anti-British. Typical of a manipulative political discourse a game of labelling and re-labelling underprivileged, underrepresented groups (except in prisons) is enacted such that power relations as engineered, largely but not always by, state are maintained within and between different ethnicities in a multicultural community which is, Britain. Unsurprisingly, a set of composite metrics has been developed in order to measure Britishness. 21 That such metrics combine gauges of loyalties at intra-national (i.e. Britain), national (i.e. England, Scotland, etc), or local (e.g. Bradford) levels is, indeed, indicative of an ethnic identit y crisis, particularly so in case of BrAsians / BrMuslims. As a consequence, a group diverse as BrAsians / BrMuslims and framed as inassimilable 22 into wider and mainstream community is bundled up altogether, labelled and made alien. Islamophobia is, one argues, an expression of an anxiety over ethnicity identity. Indeed, Islamophobic sentiments are, upon close examination, aimed not at Islam per se but at Muslims. 23 In fact, literature repeatedly points out that people, rather than faith, is phobes trajectory. 23, 24,25 A broad overview of British media is indicative of who is meant and labelled: If you doubt whether Islamophobia exists in Britain, I [Gordon Conway, Head of Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia] suggest you spend a week reading, as I have done, a range of national and local papers. If you look for articles which refer to Muslims or to Islam you will find prejudiced and antagonistic comments, mostly subtle but sometimes blatant and crude. Where the media lead, many will follow. British Muslims suffer discrimination in their education and in the workplace. Acts of harassment and violence against Muslims are common. 26 Thus, Islamophobia, a label gaining currency in media and academia thanks to Runnymede Trusts much publicised report Islamophobia, a challenge for us all 27 has acquired such a canonical status as to render alternative neologisms unrepresentative of responses to Islam / Muslims. According to Halliday, Islamophobia indulges conformism and authority within Muslim communities. One cannot avoid the sense, in regard to work such as the Runnymede Report that the race relations world has yielded, for reasons of political [emphasis added] convenience, on this term. 28 Moreover, The use of Islamophobia also challenges the possibility of dialogue based on universal principles. It suggeststhat the solution lies in greater dialogue, bridge-building and respect for the other community, but this inevitably runs the risk of denying the right, or possibility, of criticisms of the practices of those with whom one is having the dialogue. Not only those who, on universal human rights grounds, object to elements in Islamic traditions and current rhetoric, but also those who challenge conservative readings from within, can more easily be classed as Islamophobes. 29 Thus, Islamophobia is employed in such a politically correct fashion such as to silence criticisms, on one hand, and to maintain good neighbourhood relations, on another. The former stance is framed, in right-leaning perspective, as militant, jihadist, terrorist, uncivil, anti-modern and anti-Western. 30 The latter is framed, in Islamist perspective, as accommodating, assimilative and hegemonic. In between is media, an arena for meaning-making and shifting perceptions. Alternatively, Islamophobia can be employed not as a politically correct euphemism in order to silence internal criticisms or to maintain law and order but, rather, to militate against an other. This could take a shape of dismantling politeness courtesies essential not for a politically correct dialogue but for one based on critical questioning. Still, Islamophobia could be further employed such as a cover up for supposedly hidden hegemonic agendas. 31 One peculiar shift for Islamophobia as contested within a U.K. context is how instead of imported aliens made citizens being instigators of hate, violence, unrest, and, ultimately terror an enemy within image is constructed and maintained such as to, apparently, pass Islamophobic sentiments, if any, from one generation onto another. 32 For some now increasingly most, credit to media rivers of actual blood running London streets following London 7/7 (Ã   la 9/11 codification) attacks are reminiscent of symbolic blood as invoked by Enoch Powell in his Birmingham speech in 1968: As I look ahead, I am filled with foreboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see the River Tiber foaming with much blood. The tragic and intractable phenomenon [i.e. immigration] which we [emphasis added] watch with horror on the other side of the Atlantic, but which there is interwoven with the history and existence of the States itself, is coming upon us here by our own volition and our own neglect. 33 Unsurprisingly, Powells xenophobic pronouncements just as all xenophobic pronouncements -gain further inertia as an apparently self-fulfilling prophecy comes true. Admittedly, most, if not all, far-right politics tap into a well-rehearsed repertoire of phobias not least Islamophobia. Moreover, whole political careers are created and enhanced based on precautions from an other: now of colour, now of race, and now of different faith. Across Europe, ballot boxes speak volumes of Islamophobia tapped into as a final recourse against an imminent green menace within. 34,35 Islamophobia: European context Placed in a wider context, Islamophobia is not exclusive to U.K. As a matter of fact, for Europe in which U.K. is situated and to which it is historically affiliated Islamophobia is a common currency. Indeed, each European country has a distinctive narrative to tell of Islam / Muslims. Yet, for all differences, European nations especially former colonial powers share common narratives of home-grown terrorists and phobias. 36 Interestingly still is how European nation states follow a similar pattern of state controls over flow of (now particularly Muslim) immigrants as well as controls of modes of conducts of minorities within. 37 In fact, U.K.s, and for that matter Europes, current immigration laws and policies cannot be fully understood in isolation of European conception of nation-states. Historically, European nation-states evolved into democratic polities in which upholding order and rule of law required consistent policies. 38 As European countries grew increasingly into political, economic and scientific powerhouses, an increasing influx of immigrants required subtler means of control. Typically, in major European countries such as U.K. enacting multiculturalism policies meant, at least apparently in so far as actual practices are concerned, less room for truly diverse communities and more for accommodation, assimilation, and full integration of an increasing alien presence posing, allegedly, menaces to established European Enlightenment canonical values of reason and secularism. 39 Probably understandably, far-right currents in European politics manipulated political machinery inciting violence and hatred at times creating, only in voters minds, all sorts of phobias. The case for Islamophobia is one, consequently, which can be understood primarily based on power relations established and maintained in a wider power structure of Europe. This is particularly significant if one is to grasp global (i.e. Western) war on Islam, which is not. For all long-established and nourished power structures need a signifier, a marker, which, presumably , contains, defines, and tags an assumed other only to maintain law and order in an endless historical power struggle over hearts and minds. In conclusion, Islamophobia is, ultimately, a (mis)label slapped onto bottled up power relations within a marked power structure. In U.K. context, Islamophobia is used, as has been demonstrated, not to mark a shift in discursive practices towards a truly multicultural community but to maintain embedded power relations in which specific groups are assigned definite space within ethnic markers. Initially, race is used to maintain power structures but upon introduction of race acts and laws, subtler formers of control and manipulation are employed by which focus is shift from race per se to faith not as a creed but as another boundary of control. Within (i.e. in BrMuslims community), Islamophobia is employed by Islamic leaders such as to appropriate an exclusive definition of Muslims and Islam, on one hand, and in order to silence internal power struggle over meaning-making of Islam and, probably, anything else. Finally, in a broader context, Islamophobia is employed as a means of control and manipulation of Muslim communities within, multiculturalism policies aside. Notes 1. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain. London: Hurst, 2006. 2. Taher Abbas, ed. Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure. London: Zed, 2005. 3. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism: Inequalities, opportunities, and politics. London: SAGE, 1999. 4. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 5. Ibid. 6. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. 7. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, Racism and antiracism 8. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 19-36 9. Ibid. 10. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism 11. Ibid. 12. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 12. 13. Ernest Cashmore and Barry Troyna. Introduction to race relations. Basingstoke: The Falmer Press, 1990. 14. Ibid. 15. Robert Miles. Racism after race relations. London: Rutledge, 1993. 16. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 17. Ibid. 18. Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington. 19. Ibid. 20. Stephan May, Tariq Modood, and Judith Squires, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. 21. Afifa Hussain and William Miller. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. 22. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain, 183. 23. John E. Richardson. (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004. 24. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK, BOÉCE, no. 6 (2003): 51-69. 25. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalisation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. 26. Quoted in Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed Noorani. Islam Jihad: prejudice versus reality (Bangladesh: The University Press, 2002), 41. 27. Christopher Allen, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK. 28. Quoted in Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization, 24. 29. Ibid. 30. Robert Spencer. The politically incorrect guide to Islam (and the Crusades). Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005. 31. Ibid. 32. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst, 1994. 33. Quoted in Peter Braham, Ali Rattansi, and Richard Skillington, eds. Racism and antiracism, 18. 34. Raphael Israeli. The Islamic challenge in Europe. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008. 35. Roger Ballard and Marcus Banks, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain 36. Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 37. Ibid. 38. Nasreen Ali, Virinder S. Karla, and S. Sayyid, eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain 9. Ali Mohammadi, ed. Islam encountering globalization. Bibliography Abbas, Taher, ed. Muslim Britain: Communities under pressure. London: Zed, 2005. Ali, Nasreen, Karla, Virinder, and Sayyid, S., eds. A post colonial people: South Asians in Britain. London: Hurst, 2006. Allen, Christopher, The impact of the Runnymede Trust on Islamophobia in the UK, BOÉCE, no. 6 (2003): 51-69. Ballard, Roger and Banks, Marcus, eds. Desh Pardesh: the South Asian presence in Britain. London: Hurst, 1994. Braham, Peter, Rattansi, Ali, and Skillington, Richard, eds. Racism and antiracism: Inequalities, opportunities, and politics. London: SAGE, 1999. Cashmore, Ernest and Troyna, Barry. Introduction to race relations. Basingstoke: The Falmer Press, 1990. Haddad, Yvonne, ed. Muslims in the West: from sojourners to citizens (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 19-36. Hussain, Afifa and Miller, William. Multicultural nationalism: Islamophobia, Anglophobia, and devolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Israeli, Raphael. The Islamic challenge in Europe. New Jersey: Transaction Publishers, 2008 May, Stephan, Modood, Tariq, and Squires, Judith, eds. Ethnicity, nationalism, and minority rights. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004. Mohammadi, Ali, ed. Islam encountering globalisation. New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002. Noorani, Abdul Gafoor Abdul Majeed. Islam Jihad: prejudice versus reality Bangladesh: The University Press, 2002. Richardson, John. (Mis)representing Islam: the racism and rhetoric of British broadsheet newspapers. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004 Spencer, Robert. The politically incorrect guide to Islam (and the Crusades). Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005

Wednesday, October 2, 2019

Plotinus on The One and the Good Essay -- Plotinus The One Good Essays

Plotinus on The One and the Good In Ennead VI, 9, Plotinus discusses the nature of The One with respect to goodness, and particularly the supreme concept of goodness, which he calls the Good. The One is a model for the highest virtue or principle; however, we find that it is difficult to characterize The One in such a way because Plotinus explains that it supercedes all description that we attribute to it. While Plotinus’ account of The One is an interesting argument that develops somewhat logically, in the end, it becomes difficult to reconcile the lack of qualities of The One with Plotinus’ claim that it is the cause of existence. In his passage on The One and the Good, Plotinus begins by saying that The One is not an intellective existence, meaning that it does not think. He then states that The One does not exhibit any sort of motion because it predates motion and thought as well. This is important to the development of the rest of Plotinus’ philosophy because it provides the context that The One existed before both thought and material objects. The reason for the latter is because motion is fundamental to matter and The One existed before motion. Plotinus continues and states that The One is not in a state of ignorance despite its lack of knowledge or thought. The reason for this is because ignorance requires knowledge to be ignorant of, and The One existed before knowledge. â€Å"Ignorance presupposes a dual relationship: one does not know another. But The One, in its aloneness, can neither know nor be ignorant of anything.† The One exists, therefore, effectively at a time before time existed. The only way to characterize The One’s state at that point is that it existed... ...ast sound instantly passed between the future and the past, it only existed in the future which was when we heard it. Therefore, even if the present has no time value, it is a reference point for all time that has passed. Augustine’s conflict between people being able to measure time and the difficulty in doing so is understandable because of his perspective on the present. He claims sensibly that the present moment has no overall value, but that doesn’t mean that in it we can’t assign points in time that pass and compare them. His conclusion arises because he doesn’t consider the possibility that time of something in the past still has value in the future as long as the difference between its start and end points are known. It is not surprising that he excludes this possibility, however, because he believes that time in the past is immeasurable.

Tuesday, October 1, 2019

Letter of Resignation :: essays research papers

Dear Father Mavis: This letter is to inform you that I am resigning as Director of the Life Teen Music Ministry effective June 30, 2001. I have not reached this decision easily, but I feel this is an appropriate one at this time. My position with the Life Teen Music Ministry has been challenging and a true learning experience. Looking back to the beginning of this year, I truly believe the music ministry has achieved quite a turn-around when compared past programs. This was made possible by the few committed choir members and by the support of my former elementary music teacher, Nancy Rehner. I feel that I need to further explain how I reached my decision to resign. When I initially decided to accept the position as Director of Life Teen Music Ministry in early September, 2000, it was decided that Mikal Gonzales and Mary Stephenson would participate at Tuesday rehearsals and on Sunday Masses for this first year that I was hired. On Tuesdays, Mikal was to assist with teaching new music to the choir members. Mary was to do the same along with playing guitar. Within approximately 4-6 weeks, Vicki Hando and possibly others involved with Life Teen requested a meeting with the music ministry because of concerns with the musical format. As a result of this meeting, Mary and Mikal left their positions with Life Teen Music Ministry. Shortly before the Christmas season, Mikal did return to assist with the music ministry at my request. It was agreed that Mikal would attend every rehearsal and help to teach the music. He was also to attend every Sunday Mass, missing only for understandable reasons. As far as I know, everyone was happy with the music format during the Christmas season. Complications again arose toward the end of February, 2001. Mikal began to sporadically miss rehearsals and several Sunday Masses. At times, I had no prior notice of his absence. I would have to not only plan the musical format with the choir members, but also teach the music on those Tuesdays Mikal was absent. He would then show up for the Sunday Mass and change the format. This abrupt change of schedule caused tension to build within the choir and frustration on my part. The full responsibility for teaching and directing was placed on my shoulders, but this is not what was originally agreed upon. In reference to the music, Vicki Hando was reportedly becoming upset because too much music was being used from the Heritage Missal and not from the Life Teen Book. Letter of Resignation :: essays research papers Dear Father Mavis: This letter is to inform you that I am resigning as Director of the Life Teen Music Ministry effective June 30, 2001. I have not reached this decision easily, but I feel this is an appropriate one at this time. My position with the Life Teen Music Ministry has been challenging and a true learning experience. Looking back to the beginning of this year, I truly believe the music ministry has achieved quite a turn-around when compared past programs. This was made possible by the few committed choir members and by the support of my former elementary music teacher, Nancy Rehner. I feel that I need to further explain how I reached my decision to resign. When I initially decided to accept the position as Director of Life Teen Music Ministry in early September, 2000, it was decided that Mikal Gonzales and Mary Stephenson would participate at Tuesday rehearsals and on Sunday Masses for this first year that I was hired. On Tuesdays, Mikal was to assist with teaching new music to the choir members. Mary was to do the same along with playing guitar. Within approximately 4-6 weeks, Vicki Hando and possibly others involved with Life Teen requested a meeting with the music ministry because of concerns with the musical format. As a result of this meeting, Mary and Mikal left their positions with Life Teen Music Ministry. Shortly before the Christmas season, Mikal did return to assist with the music ministry at my request. It was agreed that Mikal would attend every rehearsal and help to teach the music. He was also to attend every Sunday Mass, missing only for understandable reasons. As far as I know, everyone was happy with the music format during the Christmas season. Complications again arose toward the end of February, 2001. Mikal began to sporadically miss rehearsals and several Sunday Masses. At times, I had no prior notice of his absence. I would have to not only plan the musical format with the choir members, but also teach the music on those Tuesdays Mikal was absent. He would then show up for the Sunday Mass and change the format. This abrupt change of schedule caused tension to build within the choir and frustration on my part. The full responsibility for teaching and directing was placed on my shoulders, but this is not what was originally agreed upon. In reference to the music, Vicki Hando was reportedly becoming upset because too much music was being used from the Heritage Missal and not from the Life Teen Book.

HR function

Hrs manager is also responsible or the management of HRS to assist the company to reach their target. Moreover, HRS manager shares duties with line manager and HRS professionals. Line manager also seeks the guidance from HRS manager for selecting employee, training for staff, promoting staff and taking disciplinary action HRS outsourcing (HRS) is a process to hire external HRS professionals to help with HRS issues. The main point of HRS is to decide which needs to be out sourced and which needs to be kept. Mainly HRS focus on routine transaction oriented processes and clerical work.Yet, the strategic HRS management Is still taken care by HRS manager. HRS outsourcing is processed In these ways: Business process outsourcing, Discrete services and multiprocessing services. HRS shared service centre Is a expertise centre which helps to take the routine transaction and activities for the company in one place. HRS shared services centre offer another option for HRS outsourcing and offer th e same saving cost and services. Less professional will be needed while the shared services centre is used, in which can help the company to save a lot of cost.Also the most useful function to use hared service centre is to arrange payroll, relocate and support for recruitment, training and development, planning and retain the professional. Professional Employer Organization is organization to rent people to other business. PEP manage the administrative needs of employees and PEP will pay for the staffs salary and other compensation, benefits. PEP has the power to lease, release, and discipline and reassign the employee. However, the company can still have enough control so that they can run their own business.PEP Is benefit for staff because they offer the staff a to of organization so they usually have economies of scale that allow them of have a wider selection of benefits at a cheaper cost and they have a huge number of employee in the pool. Line manager involved in individual d epartment and mainly in charge of their own section. Nowadays, the line manager is involving many tradition al work of HRS manager and is performing their duties as well. For instance, all the recruitment and selection process, performance evaluation, developing of employee have been transferred to be done by the line managers partially.Intercontinental Hong Kong Is a five star hotel In Hong Kong, the service standard Is a very Important factor In the hotel industry. HRS Is responsible to process the recruitment and selecting of the employee, also they are the first one to screen the Interviewee for Individual department In order to make sure every Interviewee Is up to standard and then to be selected by the line manager or department head. HRS quantify interviewee for individual department they can save time for any not necessary interview and can hire a suitable person in a short time.In order to maintain a high standard in a hotel, training is a must for the staff. HRS is one for the department responsible for this. They hold different training for different department timely. For example, for the restaurant they invite some professionals to have a talk or wine tasting to the Food and Beverage staff to enhance and keep updating their knowledge. For the front desk, HRS chooses Some special comment card from guest then share with the staff and also ask that complimented staff to share the tips and how to please the guest.Other than the training and recruitment, Rewards is a significant recognition to the staff. In every quarter, HRS holds a reward presentation to all the staff who is complimented at least one time by the guest. They can get, for example a certificate to thank the great performance to the staff by management, a bottle of wine and Food and beverage coupon in the hotel restaurant, in which depends on the number of compliments. This action is to show the recognition to the staff and let them know the management really care and thank their amazing performance.HRS is also a tool for the staff to share their comment to the management. HRS holds a meeting is called † Direct Line â€Å"that individual can choose their representative to attend this meeting, in which they staff can have a direct conversation to the General Manager and reflect their opinion. This action allows staff to communicate with the senior management directly and let them know the management do care their thought and opinion. After all, HRS tries their very best to enhance the staff loyalty to the hotel and take place the training to make them competitive.